Throughout history, a natural feature of international relations has been the competition for the status of the leading global power; whoever occupies this seat inevitably faces challenges from others coveting it.

This dynamic persisted until 1991, when the Soviet Union—America’s primary rival—collapsed. America, having assumed the status of the leading power after World War II, was left to dominate the international stage unchallenged. Russia, the Soviet Union’s successor under Yeltsin’s leadership, did not seek to compete with America; instead, it aimed to become a partner while remaining a major power that preserved former Soviet spheres of influence. This policy continued under Putin, who took office in 1999. He maintained this approach while also engaging with Europe—specifically when France and Germany drew closer to him, forming a bloc that opposed the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, albeit with Britain’s covert encouragement.

Europe had been unable to compete with America following the Soviet Union’s collapse, despite its efforts to do so: it established the European Union in 1991, attempted to play an active role in the Balkan and Middle East crises, and launched the Euro in 2001 to challenge the US dollar.

However, Putin—observing America’s failure to honor understandings regarding NATO expansion into Russia’s spheres of influence—seized the opportunity presented by America’s instability in 2008. This instability stemmed from the global financial crisis and America’s inability to secure victory in Iraq and Afghanistan, leading to its readiness to withdraw from those conflicts. Consequently, Putin occupied Abkhazia and South Ossetia, wresting them from Georgia—a country where America had previously succeeded in extending its influence and displacing Russia’s. He later occupied Crimea in 2014, following America’s role in ousting Russia’s allies in Ukraine. Nevertheless, Russia did not challenge America for supremacy but continued its policy of partnership. It intervened in Syria in 2015 based on understandings with America—which sought to strike the Syrian revolution and protect the agent of America, Bashar Al-Assad, until a replacement could be found.

Simultaneously, Russia continued to work with Europe, reaching understandings regarding Eastern Europe and effectively accepting the status quo in Crimea through the 2015 Minsk Agreement. Both parties sought to leverage one another to strengthen their international standing vis-à-vis America’s unrivaled position.

In their respective ways, both Russia and Europe attempted to bolster their international status by reaching understandings with China—a state America had failed to contain or bring into its orbit as it had Japan. Consequently, three independent powers emerged, each working to strengthen its international status through cooperation with the others.

Observing this, America sought to shatter the cooperation between these powers and drive them apart so it could deal with each individually. It ignited the war in Ukraine by provoking Russia into occupying the country’s east in 2022. This succeeded in driving a wedge between Russia and Europe, obstructing a potential alliance between Russia and China, and embroiling China in conflicts with regional neighbors—conflicts marked by US-brokered security agreements, expanded military bases, economic warfare, and direct threats, involving Japan, should China attempt to annex Taiwan.

Thus, America maintained its singular dominance on the global stage. To further reinforce this, it asserted hegemony over Panama and Venezuela to curb Russian and Chinese activity there. It also launched campaigns pressuring Canada—even demanding its annexation—and pressured Europe regarding the acquisition of Greenland. On February 28, 2026, the US launched a war against Iran—a country that had previously operated within its orbit—aiming to turn it into a vassal state. This move was intended to demonstrate defiance toward Russia, which dared not stand by Iran, and China, which lacked the boldness to challenge the US, even as Iran had strengthened ties with both states and joined their economic bloc, BRICS.

Had the US succeeded in its objective regarding Iran, it would have significantly bolstered its position, cemented its singular dominance on the international stage, and likely proceeded to aggress against Russia and China, as well as move to assert hegemony over Greenland and Canada. However, Iran’s resilience thwarted these efforts; indeed, it destabilized the US's international standing and emboldened Russia, China, and Europe to oppose it.

Consequently, Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov announced—during a meeting with his North Korean counterpart, Choe Son-hui, on August 18, 2026—that the two states were working to establish a “new and just world order.” Pyongyang had previously assisted Moscow in expelling Ukrainian forces from Russian territory the year prior, in accordance with their strategic alliance. Russia seeks to strengthen this partnership to project an image of itself as a global power with allies, and it desires further North Korean support. To this end, Ukrainian intelligence revealed to CNN on August 22, 2026, that North Korea was deploying fresh reinforcements to Russia—approximately 8,500 troops, including a specialized drone unit capable of striking targets deep within Ukrainian territory.

Thus, Russia relies on the support of North Korea—a state lacking the stature to play a global role—simply because it has found no other ally. Russia is struggling in Ukraine and has failed to achieve victory; its president, Putin, acknowledged this before the Russian parliament, the Duma, on July 27, 2026, stating, “Russia is undergoing a pivotal and decisive phase … and when the contours of a new world order are being shaped in a struggle and intense competition.” Had it been confident enough to establish a new global order, Russia would have declared direct support for Iran and confronted the United States in Panama and Venezuela.

Meanwhile, France—along with the rest of Europe—has so far failed to establish itself as a global pole of power. President Macron stated on June 13, 2026, “We observe that the international order is fragmented, marked by the return of power politics, by the challenge to common rules, by economic coercion, by interference, by information warfare,".”

Germany also weighed in on the matter; on February 13, 2026, at the Munich Security Conference, Chancellor Merz remarked, “This global order no longer exists as we knew it... America's leadership role is facing challenges and perhaps even decline.” He spoke of a “return of great-power conflict,” Russia's “violent revisionist tendencies,” and China’s “drive to lead the shaping of the global order.” He also discussed “Germany and France moving to establish a European nuclear deterrent and bolstering Europe's military, political, economic, and technological power,” noting that “Europe has just returned from a long hiatus from history.” He added, “The responsibility falls upon us to leverage our strength and wisdom within this new global order.”

Thus, Germany perceives that a new order is beginning to take shape, with Europe, Russia, and China each acting in its own way to establish rules. Such is the global order. Yet, these powers have not taken bold steps to challenge America—which clings to its unipolar dominance on the international stage, stands in their way, and seeks to subjugate them.

It appears the status quo will persist for the time being; however, a force is stirring to shape the new global order: the Islamic Ummah. This is despite the intense conspiracies aimed at preventing the restoration of its state—a state that once held the status of the leading power for nine centuries without rival, and for another four centuries alongside competitors. Nevertheless, its sincere adherents are earnestly striving to re-establish it as a Khilafah (Caliphate) on the Method of the Prophethood.