Raids on cities and villages, home searches, arrests, smashed furniture, and curfews; checkpoints, closures, and land confiscation; settler attacks, livestock theft, and the burning or destruction of crops; killings, beatings, and abuse inflicted upon those attempting to confront settlers or defend their families, property, and lives; judicial rulings and Knesset legislation legitimizing demolition and land seizure, alongside actual home demolitions and the expulsion of residents... These are the headlines emerging from the West Bank around the clock—often occurring simultaneously.

Anyone following these events and news reports can clearly see that what is unfolding is the practical implementation of the agendas held by politicians within the Jewish entity. The intentions of the entity—and of its nationalist and religious-nationalist parties—regarding the West Bank are no longer a secret; the statements made by its leaders, most notably Ben-Gvir and Smotrich, are public, clear, and explicit. These policies are issued and executed under the umbrella of the right-wing coalition led by Netanyahu. Yet, in his meetings with Trump and Western leaders, Netanyahu speaks of Lebanon, Syria, Iran, and Turkey—as if to imply that the West Bank issue is not a matter for foreign policy discussions or prime ministerial summits, but instead something delegated to the bloodthirsty ministers around him who are eager to carry out mass displacement.

Under the successive policies of the Jewish entity and the current alliance it leads, the West Bank has been reduced to scattered enclaves, isolated zones, and inaccessible lands; it is a place of crops that cannot be harvested and homes threatened with demolition—some already reduced to rubble mixed with the very furniture residents could not salvage. The West Bank has transformed from a territory comprising 22% of the Blessed Land—as defined by the ill-fated Oslo Accords—to less than 9% under the entity’s newly enacted laws and regulations; indeed, demolition and confiscation have now extended into the so-called Areas "A" and "B"—the remaining 9% supposedly under the administration of the Palestinian Authority (PA). The threat facing the West Bank is real; the territory has never been peripheral to the policies of the Jewish entity but rather a central issue. For the Labor Party—which led the Jewish entity at its inception and shaped its policies for decades—the West Bank constituted a narrow yet indispensable strategic depth.

Consequently, leaders from that political camp, from Ben-Gurion to Rabin and Peres, obstructed any initiative that would sever the West Bank from their entity, including the two-state solution. For right-wing nationalist or secular parties, the West Bank is an integral, non-negotiable part of the Jewish entity. Meanwhile, for Torah-based and religious-nationalist parties, it is the Holy Land, home to their most significant claimed holy sites and cities of profound religious and biblical importance—foremost among them Al-Quds, Al-Khalil, Nablus, and Jericho. In their view, this territory is holier and more significant than Haifa, Jaffa, or Acre; indeed, some believe the state’s establishment remains incomplete without control over the West Bank—or what they term the regions of Judea and Samaria.

This threat was previously tempered by American pressure and by economic, political, and security red lines that frequently constrained the entity's policies and ambitions, thereby influencing its political calculations and internal party dynamics. These factors acted as mutual checks when the discussion turned to the West Bank or the implementation of major projects there. Instead, a strategy of settlement cancer—gradually imposing facts on the ground—was preferred, exploiting regional political and military events, global shifts, and the outcomes of US elections. However, with the rise of nationalist and biblical-nationalist parties to the leadership of the Jewish entity, and amidst the succession of major events since October 7, 2023, the danger has escalated manifold; foreign pressures have dissipated, the deterrent effect of red lines has weakened, and the threat has become imminent and the situation perilous.

While the PA has spent years impoverishing the population and driving the West Bank into economic, healthcare, educational, and moral decline—further constricting an already dire situation for the people—the occupying Jewish entity has conversely been busy bringing thousands of settlers into the West Bank. It has armed tens of thousands of them with assault rifles and trained them in their use, all while fostering a criminal ideology that advocates for the killing, displacement, and elimination of Arabs.

This has transitioned into the practical implementation of such criminality through mini-scenarios of violence in villages across Ramallah, Al-Khalil, Nablus, and elsewhere. Efforts are intensifying to build a settler army that is no less—and indeed even more—criminal than the official military; a force modeled after the Haganah and Irgun gangs that perpetrated massacres in 1948, and one that is eager to repeat that bloody history. The very parties overseeing the settler army—parties Netanyahu needs to form a government should the upcoming elections take place—are turning the West Bank into a vote-magnet for their bloodthirsty electorate. They await the post-election moment when Netanyahu must turn to them for a coalition, ready to place their key agendas on the table: annexation, displacement, and the termination of any media or political discourse regarding the two-state solution—a concept already effectively dismantled on the ground. Netanyahu has long harbored this dream, yet it previously collided with domestic obstacles—such as the demographic nightmare and the administrative burden of three million Muslims—as well as regional Arab understandings based on the two-state solution and an American veto rejecting such moves. Now, however, that arrogant figure has grown bolder in discussing the West Bank’s future, its impending status, and the fate of its inhabitants.

Time is running out for the people of the West Bank. Those who escape the voluntary displacement—orchestrated by the criminal entity with the aid of the collaborationist PA and the supervision of its corrupt officials—now face the threat of forced displacement, either within the West Bank or beyond its borders, at the hands of the Jewish entity’s army and settlers. Relying on opposition from the regimes ruling Muslim lands is sheer nonsense, and pinning hopes on the American veto, political calculations, or the interests and agendas of nations is a perilous gamble, especially given the current climate of change. As for banking on the elections of the Jewish entity—or on its politicians, military figures, and civilians—that is nothing short of madness.

It is imperative for people in Muslim lands—especially the surrounding states of Egypt, Syria, Jordan, and Lebanon—to grasp this reality. The narrative has shifted: the danger in the West Bank was once seen as a harbinger of threats to them, but now the danger within their own borders is exacerbating the peril facing the West Bank. This is particularly true following the displacement of nearly a million people from southern Lebanon, the direct military threats against Damascus, and incursions into villages in southern Syria. Indeed, politicians must join any political initiative that drives military action capable of reshuffling the cards and turning the tide; military personnel must act immediately to salvage the situation, making defiance the defining theme of this phase; and civilians must support the politicians while pressuring the military to rescue their brethren in the West Bank and across Palestine—thereby saving themselves and their own countries as well.